UK Independence Party's by-election win throws Britain into political abyss
November 21, 2014 -- Updated 1224 GMT (2024 HKT)
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| UKIP's Nigel Farage will be reveling in his party's triumph and redoubling efforts to win over Euroskeptic Tories. | 
Editor's note: Robin 
Oakley was political editor and columnist for The Times newspaper in 
London from 1986 to 1992, the BBC's political editor from 1992 to 2000, 
and CNN's European Political Editor between 2000 and 2008. The opinions 
expressed in this commentary are solely his.
(CNN) -- The UK Independence Party, led by the pub-clubbable Nigel Farage, has won a resounding second successive Parliamentary by-election and sent British politics tumbling into an abyss of the unknown.
Mark Reckless, the former
 Conservative politician who left the party for UKIP in September, won 
back his seat in Parliament Thursday in the Rochester and Strood 
by-election that was triggered by his defection.
UKIP is now more than 
just a fringe group thumbing its nose at the big parties: it is a wild 
card which can threaten all their prospects.
Few political experts 
would claim at this moment to be able to predict the outcome of the next
 General Election, which will take place on May 7, 2015. And nobody 
knows how many of the protest votes UKIP has been gathering will stay 
with them when voters are deciding who will govern the country.
But UKIP are still 
advancing: back in May, they won the European Parliamentary elections 
with 27 percent of the votes and 24 seats, the first time a party other 
than Labour or the Conservatives has done so.
What seems almost 
inevitable is that there will be another "hung" Parliament after the 
General Election -- meaning no party will win an outright majority of 
seats. But this time neither Conservatives nor Labour look like being 
able to build a coalition government without doing deals with more than 
one other political grouping.
Britain is likely to 
experience an unstable era of Scandinavian-style politics where the 
chief preoccupation of the political class is not solving the problems 
of the nation, but putting together deals to enable any decisions to be 
taken at all.
Reckless was the second 
former Tory to resign his seat and win his way back to Parliament in the
 purple colors of UKIP after Douglas Carswell had done the same in 
Clacton in October. And although his roughly 3,000 vote majority will be
 less sustainable at a General Election than Carswell's crushing 
victory, it keeps UKIP on track for its ambition of winning enough seats
 next May to hold the balance of power.
In Rochester, UKIP 
managed to resist a huge Conservative campaign that included five visits
 from Prime Minister David Cameron, who was desperate to stave off 
another UKIP victory that could call his effectiveness as the leader of 
the Tories into question.
UKIP also won over a 
significant proportion of the former working class Labour vote -- aided 
by a Labour front-bencher's online posting of a photo of a house in 
Rochester draped in English flags with a white van in the driveway. 
Politicians of all stripes were quick to pounce on Shadow Attorney 
General Emily Thornberry's ill-judged tweet as snobbish and derogatory, and Thornberry resigned her position before the night was over.
UKIP also reduced the 
Liberal Democrat vote to a derisory figure: some of their former protest
 votes on the Left are now going to the Green Party.
The UKIP bandwagon is 
still rolling. Reckless was a confused candidate who at one stage was 
slapped down by Nigel Farage for suggesting that EU immigrants might be 
sent home, but the party that secured a mere three percent at the last 
General Election in Britain has become a significant political player.
It is now the obvious 
receptacle for protest votes in the way that the Liberal Democrats used 
to be. But their participation in a coalition government with the 
Conservatives has shredded the Lib-Dems' political appeal.
UKIP has successfully 
harnessed to its bandwagon to the common feeling of disillusion with the
 two major parties and the Westminster "establishment." As well as its 
anti-European stance, it has profited from bringing immigration to the 
fore as a political issue.
This has spooked 
lawmakers in other parties who have demanded that their own party 
leaders must also get tougher on immigration -- a policy area on which 
few deal in facts but on which much emotion is expended. But the more 
that Labour and the Tories rush out new immigration policies, the more 
the public say: "We thought you told us that UKIP were a bunch of 
fruitcakes, but now you are agreeing they were right all along."
Political strategists 
used to believe that UKIP were chiefly a threat to the Conservatives, 
taking the votes of right-wing Euroskeptics away from them. But in the 
recent Heywood and Middleton by-election in the greater Manchester area 
UKIP came within a few hundred votes of grabbing a Labour seat too.
With the resurgent 
Scottish National Party threatening to grab 30 of Labour's 40 Scottish 
seats in the Westminster Parliament, and Labour's leader Ed Miliband 
proving the lowest-rated occupant of his position in polling history, 
Labour too are shivering at the UKIP intervention.
So where do we go from 
here? UKIP will revel in its triumph and redouble its efforts to entice 
more Euroskeptic Conservative MPs to jump ship in order to save their 
seats at the next election.
David Cameron, his 
authority badly dented after he promised to throw the kitchen sink at 
saving the Rochester seat, will be under massive pressure from his MPs 
to turn the political tide now with the major speech he has for some 
time been promising on immigration (and which he postponed for fear of 
having the Rochester result taken as a verdict on his efforts).
He is handicapped 
because the Conservatives' pledge to reduce immigration to less than 
100,000 a year has failed because of the EU's commitment to the free 
movement of people within its borders, and German Chancellor Angela 
Merkel is heading Europe's refusal to reconsider that principle. That 
again plays into UKIP's hands.
Right-wing Euroskeptic 
Conservative MPs insist that their party and UKIP are part of the same 
political family, and they will now try to pressure Cameron into some 
sort of electoral pact -- arguing that otherwise Labour will "win" next 
May's election with less than a third of the votes.
Cameron will resist, but
 the irony for UKIP is that of all the possible election results, the 
only one that will bring about their chief political aim -- an in/out 
vote on Britain's membership in the European Union -- is victory for the
 Conservatives who have promised that referendum.
The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.

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